Terms and History

腐女子 fujoshi (Japanese)
“A woman who likes comics depicting male homosexual love” (jisho.org)

Other languages: 腐女 funü (Mandarin), 부녀자 bunyeoja (Korean), สาววาย sao-wai (Thai)

Fujoshi are women who were viewed as “rotten” for freely indulging in sexuality and centering queer narratives amongst male characters; fujoshi were seen as women ruining the sanctity of heterosexual men’s interests (i.e. by shipping characters from popular media dominated by cishet men (shonen series), etc.)

The term was eventually reclaimed and is now used by female fans of BL. Nowadays, “fujoshi is probably better translated as ‘fermentation girl’ and the reason it was termed as such has more to do with the fact that … these women would ‘ferment’ and change the ‘product to be consumed’ (anime series), so that it would be unpalatable for the (cisgender heterosexual) male viewer” (Mizoguchi, 2022). While not all may refer to themselves as fujoshi, female fans of BL are by definition fujoshi given their interest in male/male relationships.

Fujoshi can be thought of similarly to fans of slash fiction; they were named as such by men for their “rotten” interests, i.e. queer relationships. It was the fact that women were interested in queer relationships and sexual topics that they were seen as abnormal and unfit for marriage by traditionalists.

In a country where patriarchal family values persist, fujoshi are criticized for pursuing yaoi and are described as rotten because they are attracted to fantasies of sex that is not productive of children. (Galbraith, 2011)

“By labeling themselves ‘fujoshi,’ BL fans prevent others from sticking a different label on them. With this subversive term, they voluntarily cut themselves off from the demands of the world of men, with ‘rotten’ making it clear that they are no longer fit for male consumption” (Kawano). By establishing themselves as abject, they take away the authority from others to label them. Furthermore, through BL they are able to claim autonomy in a male-dominated society through their consumption and enjoyment of the genre. (Tatang, 2021)

One of the earliest approaches taken by researchers was to focus on the idiosyncrasies and deviance of women who like male-male romance works, rather than to consider a connection with the participating fans’ own sexuality. Long before outsider researchers began to study “why these women like these things,” though, fujoshi had themselves already repeatedly considered that same question. … although establishing themselves as deviant beings called fujoshi allows fans to craft an identity that sets them apart from others, it also affords outsiders a means of justifying their repression. (Suzuki, 2013)

Older fujoshi use various terms to refer to themselves, including 貴腐人 kifujin (“noble spoiled woman”), a pun on a homophonous word meaning “fine lady.”

Fujoshi/fudanshi are both singular and plural. Using the terms “fujoshis” or “fudanshis” is grammatically incorrect, and often how anti-fujoshi discuss these terms.

腐男子 fudanshi (Japanese)
— “A man who likes comics depicting male homosexual love (usually targeted to [a female audience])” (jisho.org)

Other languages: 腐男 funan (Mandarin), 부남자 bunamja (Korean), หนุ่มวาย hnum-wai (Thai)

The word “fudanshi” is thought to have originated in 2002 on PINK Channel’s 801 board (Anonymous).

腐人 fujin (Japanese)

A more recent option for gender-neutral/non-binary fans of BL.

ボーイズラブ Boys’ Love (BL) (Japanese)
“Comics or novels about male homosexuality, targeted at young women” (jisho.org)

“Boys’ Love (hereafter BL) is one of the most popular terms used to describe male/male romantic fiction technically aimed for female readers. However, the actual audience includes various gender and sexual identities. The word BL was born in 1990s Japan and reached international fans in the 2000s” (Uglycan, 2020a).

やおい yaoi (Japanese)

In Japan, people know what the term is and its history but don’t use it regularly anymore. The term yaoi was a self-deprecating acronym fan comic artists used to categorize their works as being fanworks made for the purpose of pairing existing male characters sexually. It was not a term used for original works or a category of manga separate from BL specifically. Content that many in English fandom view as yaoi are actually technically BL, and BL includes content with graphic sex; they are not separate genres/categories (that is what the age ratings on BL media are for).

In English fandom, “yaoi is, simply put, a genre of manga and novels that depicts stories about same-sex relationships between men, usually aimed towards female audiences. It is often used interchangeably with Boys’ Love (BL) nowadays. However, yaoi does have its own history and usage that slightly differs from BL … Nowadays, many people simply take yaoi to refer to a genre of male homosexual stories that heavily focuses only on sex depictions” (Idling Chair, 2020a).

耽美 danmei (Chinese)

Other languages: đam mỹ (Vietnamese)

“Danmei is one of the terms used to describe male/male romantic fiction written in Chinese for Chinese readers. Non-Chinese fans have regularly used the word for the past few years due to the increasing popularity of danmei fiction outside the Chinese-speaking community. … initially adopted from the Japanese word ‘tanbi,’ written with the same character as the Chinese one. Tanbi can be translated as ‘aesthetic’ or ‘the pursuit of aesthetic.’ When used in the context of Japanese BL-related media around the 1980-90s, tanbi can be interpreted as work, according to James Welker, ‘fusing beauty, romance, and eroticism along with at least a dash of decadence.’ … the background, time setting, description, character’s relationship, or well, the whole universe of the work must be beautiful” (Uglycan, 2020b).

Common Misconceptions

What frequently occurs when critical discussions of BL surface is making unequal comparisons to justify certain criticisms.

Many people who criticize BL media compare the most extreme, dark BL to the most “wholesome” SFW Western examples, rather than comparing media specifically made for teens to other teen media, or pieces meant to be biographical and realistic to other biographical pieces set in realism.

For example: in reverse terms, it would be like comparing Sasaki & Miyano to Hannibal, or Interview with a Vampire to argue about and disparage the morality of queer-coded Western content.

Many critics making these comparisons treat content intended for very different age groups and audiences as if they are intended to be the same thing and thus directly comparable. For instance, BL critics do not compare pornographic (18+) BL to pornographic (18+) Western media; they compare pornographic (18+) BL to non-pornographic (13+) Western depictions. Ironically, such critics frequently avoid and do not engage with NSFW (18+) Western media to a significant enough degree to make any legitimate comparisons.

The handful of BL media that are frequently praised are all PG-13 depictions appropriate for teen audiences (e.g. GIVEN, Sasaki & Miyano, Doukyuusei, The Stranger by the Shore).

Honestly, I’m uncomfortable when westerners try to have takes about how East Asian media “feminises gay men” because they often take western masculine ideals as the standard for what “real men” are like, which often ends up in unintended insinuations that Asian men aren’t “real men.” When people question “why are the men all pale and hairless and slender” it ignores the fact that men in straight Chinese shows are ALSO pale, hairless, and slender because that’s what beauty standards for men are like in the country that the show was produced in.

In a fandom server, I was once talking fashion headcanons with another Chinese person, and someone interjected to call us out on “feminising gay men because REAL men don’t dress like THAT”—THAT meaning pastel colours and oversized sweaters. I had to inform them that men DO dress like “THAT” in East Asia. It’s part of the East Asian fashion trend. Look at K-pop and C-pop idols. Look how they dress. Look at their builds, their faces, and the way they present, because they represent dominant male beauty ideals in Asia. And those beauty ideals trickle down into the way REAL men in East Asia, everyday non-celebrity men, dress and style themselves.

So when westerners take these traits that are incongruent with western ideals of hypermasculinity and say “REAL men don’t look like that,” they end up insinuating that East Asian men aren’t real men, which is all kinds of uncomfortable. Does that mean that there isn’t A SINGLE PIECE OF EAST ASIAN MEDIA that presents a hyperfeminized bottom? That’s definitely not the case, but my point is that westerners should exercise some caution before wading into the matter. That goes not just for insinuating that CREATORS of East Asian media are feminising gay men. It also goes for insinuating that FANDOMS surrounding East Asian media are feminizing gay men.

@asideoftrashpl1 on Twitter

Since the time when the word “Boys Love” started to be used—and just as shōjo manga itself started to evolve and grow—it seems to me, looking back from my distanced position, that the discriminatory atmosphere of the past has begun to disappear as the love between two men is beginning to be written more sympathetically [by contemporary BL authors].

Supporters of the former yaoi culture seemed to possess a guilty conscious, thinking to themselves “why is that whilst I am a woman, I like yaoi?” They always seemed to have prepared desperate excuses for their preferences, such as “it’s beautiful, so it’s okay” or “it’s forbidden, so it’s okay.” However, as times have changed, the number of people who say “I like BL and there’s nothing wrong with that” has greatly increased. Personally, I think it’s fine if we think of “liking BL (BL-zuki)” as just another form of sexuality.

By the way, “self-reception (jiko jūyō)” is one of the big themes to be found within my work, basically speaking, I write happy endings for those characters who have accepted their personal sexuality and bad endings for those characters who don’t (he laughs). The more the number of people who perceive their sexuality to be “liking BL” increases, the more open BL culture will become and that can only be a positive development to my mind.

— Gengoroh Tagame, prominent gay manga author in Japan (Esmralda, 2014)

“Fujoshi means rotten woman and fudanshi is a rotten man who exploits lesbian pairings”
Removed some repetition here from the above section. Also maybe split clarification of "rotten" & clarification of "fudanshi" into two separate sections, i.e.

"Fujoshi call themselves 'rotten' because they think gay relationships are rotten and disgusting"

The "rotten" in fujoshi refers not to any perception by fujoshi of m/m romance as disgusting, but rather to their expression of and interest in sexuality (and especially queer sexuality) making them no longer palatable to mainstream heteronormative society. Their reclamation of the term reflects a rejection of these traditional norms.

"Fudanshi means a rotten man who exploits lesbian pairings"

Fudanshi are male fans of BL, but anti-fujoshi/fudanshi oftentimes don’t even understand the labels they’re criticizing. Many anti-fudanshi believe them to be the exact opposite of fujoshi, i.e. “men who fetishize relationships between women,” when in reality they are simply male fans of BL.

Fujoshi/fudanshi are both singular and plural. Using the terms ‘fujoshis’ or ‘fudanshis’ is grammatically incorrect, and often how anti-fujoshi discuss these terms.

^ Repeated from first section; pick one?
“Cisgender heterosexual women are the only producers and consumers of BL”

→ See also: How anti-fujoshi sentiment stems from radfems and anti-trans groups

BL authors and fans come in all different shapes and sizes. Trans men and cisgender men both read and produce BL media. Based on multiple surveys of queer BL fans, the majority of fans, male or female, fall on the bisexual spectrum.

What we actually found out was… depending on what volume was in question, fully up to 50% of our reader engagement was male. On average, it’s about 15 to 20%, and that to me was really startling, because I would not have anticipated that at all.

— Leyla Aker, senior vice president of publishing at VIZ Media (Aoki, 2015)

Sometimes BL creators—and I’m speaking just from personal acquaintance with some of these creators—may be biologically female or identify on the page as heterosexual women, but sometimes they’re actually lesbian or transgender.

— Gengoroh Tagame (Aoki, 2015)

On BL and trans men:

Some readers have told me they enjoy the stories because they present an idealized masculine world. Some speak of despising femininity, and even of wishing they had been born male, rather than female. For most such women, yaoi and boys’ love allow them to indulge in the fantasy of loving a man as a man, or, to rephrase it, as an equal, free of predefined gender expectations. In [his] book Yaoi genron (1998) [やおい幻論:「やおい」から見えたもの], Sakakibara Shihomi, [him]self a popular yaoi-style novelist, describes [him]self as a gay man in a woman’s body (a “female-to-male gay” transsexual). [He] suggests that this condition may be quite common among fans of this genre and may in fact be the reason for its existence. (Thorn, 2004)

Even though more than twenty years have passed, I still like yaoi (there was a time when I seriously worried that I had begun to think that I was a man because I had been reading too much yaoi—ha ha)

— excerpt from a Japanese trans man (McLelland et al., 2007)

On BL and queer women:

Yaoi has an extensive readership among girls questioning their sexuality and among lesbian women in Japan. Feminist commentators such as Ueno Chizuko have noted that “These beautiful boys are ‘the idealized self-image’ of girls, and they are neither male nor female. They belong to a ‘third sex.'” Hence Mizoguchi concludes that the characters are “meant to act as agents for the readers of these stories;” in other words, they are “the alter egos of young women.” It is the indeterminate nature of these fantasy characters that makes them amenable to diverse appropriations by women with a range of sexual orientations. To this extent, then, yaoi characters cannot be understood as “children” nor should they necessarily be read as “male” or even “homosexual;” they represent instead a third gender that has little to do with the activities of actual male homosexuals or depictions of real children. Nagaike stresses the “multiple, shifting, and synchronic process of identification experienced by female readers during the act of reading yaoi manga.” The process of identification involved in the production and consumption of yaoi is thus obviously very complex, differs according to the sexual orientation of the reader, and different factors. (McLelland, 2006)

It took me a really long time to realize that I am butch, non-binary, and that I love butch. I actually realized this when I was 5 years old, but I sealed this myself. I didn’t see anyone else around me who was like me, and I didn’t see anyone else in comics or anime.

Yuri (GL) has been around for a long time, but I never felt it was about me when I read it. So to tell the truth, I still rarely read it. I do read them for study. Rather, I felt that BL and gay comics were closer to me.

Natsuo Mutsumi (@720gou) on Twitter

“All gay men hate BL and yaoi”

There are gay male authors of BL, and some even publish their works under female pen names. Many male fans of BL in Japan and abroad have cited BL as providing them with alternative positive depictions of masculinity, helping them to accept themselves.

BL can be seen as more of a feminist phenomenon than an expression of real-world gay male identity—but that’s not to discount the genre’s importance to gay men. (Ishii et al., 2014, p. 32)

Sato even claims that by reading well-written “girls” comics” that depicted homosexual male characters, he had overcome the sense of guilt for being a homosexual that many gay men seemed to internalize. He writes, “To me, the misfortune does not lie in the fact that I can only love men. Rather, my misfortune lies in the fact that being a man loving a man is not accepted by the society. In other words, it is the sense of being ‘excluded’ that brings me the sense of misfortune. My despair about this sense is deep, but still, I never came to hate my desire itself. This is all thanks to the ‘girls’ comics.” (Mizoguchi)

“BL enables fudanshi to sublimate the inherent psychological conflicts created by socially enforced masculine ideals through their identification with narratives and characters originally produced by and for women” (Nagaike, 2014). The following are quotes from interviews with gay Asian men:

“BL was salvation for me. And I think that it would work out this way for a lot of men in contemporary Japan.”

“BL/yaoi was a tool that my generation (I was born in 1970) could use to liberate ourselves from the tough life of living as men.”

“A competitive principle such as ‘men have to win’ affects men’s psyches quite effectively. I felt so burdened by such ideas. I was really saved by June and yaoi, which offered me a new perspective on accepting passive men.”

“I started getting the idea that men can enjoy specific texts, like yaoi, that were originally constructed by and for women, in order to live with less stress and psychological pressure.”

“I should say that, in contemporary Japan, BL is the only manga medium which provides the reader with genuine love stories. BL makes me feel most romantically excited.”

“I love reading BL because the stories are pure and show that romantic love between men is possible.”

“I read BL stories because their plots are really interesting. Besides the quality of the art, the plots are actually understandable and interesting, regardless of the genre. Compared to yuri (female-female eroticism), there is a stronger emotional bond portrayed in these BL stories.”

“I like BL because it gives me a sense of romance and porn simultaneously.”

“My favorite BL works are ones which combine romance and action.”

“The main reason that I read BL is that BL provides me with inspiration for my fantasies about myself and the boy I used to like. (He usually plays the seme role). I don’t think that, by reading BL, I aim at denying the very idea of masculinity or want to escape from acting according to that idea. All I want is to acknowledge my unrealized childhood love.”

“One of my South Korean fudanshi interview subjects lamented South Koreans’ homophobia: ‘South Korea is surely super-conservative in terms of the acceptance of homosexuality, compared with other countries. I’m sad to say that South Koreans’ views of sexuality are quite narrow-minded'” (Nagaike, 2022).

The following comment made by a South Korean fujoshi can be taken as a good basis for further exploration of fudanshi in South Korea:

“The reason that male fans of BL in South Korea are basically invisible is that machismo and patriarchy are so influential in this society. Machismo and patriarchy in Korea will never accept male homosexuality, and many Korean males are still very homophobic. Even though there are lots of male fans of various subcultures (e.g., anime and manga), I don’t think these men could ever accept male homosexuality.”

— “Hyunwoo”

The following comments made by South Korean fudanshi clearly throw light on the existence of a queer mindset within a South Korean culture otherwise characterized by hegemonic masculinity and homophobia. BL manga foreground the ways in which South Korean fudanshi question the value and validity of heteronormativity:

“When I was in the first year of junior high school, a female friend introduced me to BL. I was astonished and thought: ‘I never dreamed that such a beautiful world could exist.'”

— “Jiwon”

“I feel a bit hesitant to say this, but I became a crazy fan of BL. I can simply say that I love BL. However, having read BL for a while, I’ve begun to wonder what my sexual orientation is. Before reading BL, I was never attracted to both women and men.”

— “Youngchul”

“When my friend found out that I read BL, he asked if I was gay. I wonder why it’s OK for women to read GL, while men who read BL get picked on.”

— “Jungho”

“BL is bad representation and inherently anti-LGBTQ+”

“Many countries have begun to become involved in the representation of queer relationships through the BL (Boy Love) industry. Do you believe this brings more of a positive representation to queer relationships?”

The genre has evolved so much in the last two decades. When I started consuming BL back in late 1990’s, BL was only starting to gain popularity or even recognition from the public. There was not much critical discourse around BL and, as far as I recall, many BL mangas were just a bunch of sexual imagery. I loved BL novels, though. Now, critical discourses have since shaped the current state of the genre, where discussions are very active on issues like (mis)representation, romanticization, and who get’s to write about whom. I think BL is the most vigorously contested genre among all, perhaps because of misogynous ideas about women writing about men, and now is the forefront of debates over representation. With the development of BL as a literary genre, we now have a huge number of good BL mangas, novels, and animes, and I do think that the more BL the world is exposed to, the better people will understand nuanced complexities of what it means to be in a same-sex male-male relationship.

“Do you think the BL industry has enabled for consumers to romanticise toxic and abusive queer relationships?”

Representation does not happen in a vacuum. I think we, the general public, had different, quite outdated notions of what counts as toxic or abusive relationships, say, 10, 20, 30 years ago. As social awareness grew after the Internet, especially in the past social media era, we have very quickly updated our ideas about power dynamics of relationships. Representation always falls behind but keeps following people’s ideas. And BL, I think, is the most responsive to such social and cultural updates. Heterosexual pornography (including manga, anime, etc.), I think, is the least responsive.

“Do you think romanticising queer relationships are harmful towards LGBTQIA+ individuals?”

LGBTQA+ individuals do romanticize queer relationships, so I guess I have nothing against romanticizing haha. But on a more serious note, I think the word “romanticize” needs to be firmly defined in order for romanticization to be problematized. And while that’s a very important discussion to have, I do think that any of the problems associated with representation such as romanticization, eroticization, under-sexualization, etc. etc. will become completely harmless when we eradicate real-life dangers and life difficulties of queer individuals and their communities, because, then, we can just laugh about misrepresentation and “weird” ways of consumption.

“In your own opinion, do you think those who romanticise queer relationships are feeding into the harmful representation of the LGBTQIA+ community?”

Again, I think it’s important that we define terms like “romanticize” and “harmful.” For example, gay and bisexual men, alongside straight men, lesbian women, etc., grow up in this homophobic society just the same. They grow up internalizing homophobic ideas. And we all know that sometimes, we desire what we ought not to desire, or at least we can say that our desires are constantly informed by society and cultures that surround us. So, for instance, if we someday successfully eradicate homophobia and the taboo associated with it, gay and bisexual men and their desires will never be the same. Some gay and bisexual men, I’d say, might not find gay sex as attractive or sexy as they do today because for them, their desires were the result of romanticization of prohibition. So, singling out BL consumers, for example, to blame for romanticizing male-male relationships and thus creating harms, in my opinion, is very, very off. We as existences are all creation of society and creators of society, no matter our genders or sexualities. Of course, however, critiquing a specific TV series, movie, manga, anime, etc. is important work.

“What do you think can be done to bring more positive representations of healthy queer relationships in the media?”

I think that it is when people see not only “healthy” queer relationships but also “unhealthy” queer relationships and do not feel the urge to attribute whatever they find bad, disgusting, atrocious, etc. to queerness, that we can finally say that queer relationships have fully entered the general public’s cultural consciousness as part of human diversity. I don’t think that white-washing queer representation to make it look good and respectable is the only path we must take. It is precisely for that reason that I see hope in BL where the nuances and complexities of male-male relationships are most depicted. And I hope there will be more creators producing content in similar ways about lesbian relationships, trans-cis relationships, trans-trans relationships, queerplatonic relationships, aromantic relationships, queer friendships, and queer communities.

— interview with Masaki Seto (2021)

Many anti-BL and anti-fujoshi critics share the opinion that only cisgender gay men should be writing about gay male characters. The problem with this is that the gay male experience is not universal. Geikomi or “bara” (the outdated term still used by Anglo fans) comics made “by gay men for gay men” largely focus on a hyper-masculine perspective and contain more overt sexual elements. Fumi Miyabi, a geikomi mangaka even states, “the manga has to be erotic, and it can’t not include sexuality … they’re just not meant for more vanilla content” (Ishii et al., 2014, p. 189).

Throughout interviews, Junho, Yoichi, Haruma, and Shōtaro argued that the depictions of masculinity in geikomi were “extreme” (kageki) and further understood this extremeness as highly desirable. This was an opinion shared by other young gay men I met during fieldwork: they viewed geikomi positively (even if they did not necessarily consume it) because it conformed to their preconceived notion that desirable gay masculinity is both “hard” and “violent.” (Baudinette)

Many gay men who do dislike BL do so due to its association with women and effeminate men.

It is unsurprising that a number of the young gay men with whom I conversed in Ni-chōme’s bars possessed a particularly negative attitude toward BL since they saw it as an example of the young women’s popular culture that had cursed contemporary Japan with soft masculinity. Whereas regular BL consumers, such as fans like Haruma and Shōtarō, were willing to accept BL as a form of gay media because of their affective attachment to the genre, young gay men who admitted during interviews that they did not engage with BL tended to dismiss it as inauthentic given its status as young women’s media. Of particular concern to these men was their belief that BL reinforced Japanese society’s tendency to view same-sex attracted men as effeminate. One young man explained to me that “BL is a nonsense created from prejudice read by silly school girls.”

… Young gay men seemed to be unconsciously drawing upon a common sentiment that emerged in Japan after the collapse of the bubble economy and the subsequent neo-liberalization of society that criticizes the supposed feminization of contemporary Japanese culture.

… For many of the men with whom I spoke, Japanese masculinity was becoming soft; they saw an increasing focus away from hard masculinity since such gendered performances were supposedly no longer popular among young women. That is … viewed as a curse that was somehow weakening or diluting contemporary Japanese masculinity. Most of my interlocutors viewed the bishōnen’s rise in Japan negatively and positioned Ni-chōme as an important space of resistance where hard masculinity remained prominent and respected. (Baudinette, 2021)

Many gay men’s comics focus on erotic fantasies and improbable situations, containing graphic content and “harmful” tropes critics disparage BL for sometimes harboring, despite it being the tamer and romantically-associated genre. BL is an entire category of literature and has every kind of narrative imaginable, including domestic couples, found family, and overcoming struggles with anti-LGBTQ+ prejudice.

“The characters in BL are an object of affection by both the author and the readers. One part of being a BL author is imagining ‘how would a same-sex couple deal with not being able to have children? Would they come out to the people around them?’, and so on. The author must imagine how they could live happily within Japanese society by imagining themselves in the character’s situation. The result of this are works that depict the characters in a world without discrimination and where gay people can live happily.” (Harada, 2016b)

Some women also linked readership of BL comics and novels with their generation’s more or less liberal attitudes toward male homosexuality, either citing BL as a catalyst for the liberalization of their thinking or, vice versa, citing generational change as the reason they are relatively receptive to homosexual-themed materials in the first place. (Martin, 2012)

In the yaoi ronsō women who depicted and looked at men having sex with men were criticised for discriminating against gay men. However, compared to gay manga drawn by gay men for gay men, BL manga cannot be said to be more abusive. In both gay and BL manga, the men depicted are not necessarily gay as in having a gay identity. Thus, the reason why BL manga were criticised by a gay man cannot only lie in their depictions of gay men since, in that case, gay manga should equally have been the focus of critique. Satō feels uneasy about women watching what he regards as depictions of gay men—he wants such depictions to have limited access. He wants depictions of homosexuality to remain in a closet, viewed only by an inner circle of gay men. However, limiting the audience to those who regard themselves as gay men inevitably limits the opportunities for young and possibly isolated gay men to find gay characters with whom to identify, which is a reason why it can be seen as fortunate that BL manga are popular and easily available. (Lunsing, 2006)

BL is political. He noted that BL was initially not meant to be used politically; it has been created as a means of liberating women from the confines of restrictive patriarchal norms by allowing them some control over their gender and sexuality. Regardless of the intention in its creation, there have been several BL-inspired political movements. Professor Welker quoted prominent BL scholar Akiko Mizoguchi, who argues that “BL is a progressive force for good.” (Welker)

“Heterosexual women are fetishizing gay men and harming them in real life”

One of the most common arguments against BL is that it harms gay men in real life. The argument is that BL itself causes women to view gay men as fantasy objects and not as real people. This argument, however, also largely relies on the narrative that only straight cisgender women like BL, and therefore any queer fans who participate in its creation or consumption are part of that damaging system.

Arguments get messy because some anti-BL fans think all BL and yaoi are bad, but some anti-fujoshi claim to be fine with BL but hate fujoshi which they instead assign as a label for female fans with behaviors they don’t like, similar to how the term “rabid fangirls” used to be employed but with a more sinister and sexualized meaning.

Oftentimes their complaints apply to teen girls who tend to be more enthusiastic about their interests and overstep personal boundaries. Most female BL fans, however, do not act this way. Additionally, lack of societal LGBTQIA+ education and resources is a prime factor for such misteppings of boundaries. Anyone can be guilty of behaving invasively or asking invasive questions about demographics they don’t fully understand, not just BL fans.

As shown previously, BL has been invaluable to many queer men’s development as well as enjoyment.

“Above all, it’s a matter of whether they have consideration or not.” … The insensitive type … worship the idea of “lofty, pure love” and try to force this ideal upon real gay men. The second are the considerate type who care about not harming real gay people with their fantasies.

… “Among older generations, there are many who react negatively to BL, calling it ‘feminine’ and going so far as to deem it abnormal. On the other hand, there are readers of the younger generation called ‘fudanshi gei‘ (lit. gay rotten men) … Now, there are a lot of high quality works.

… “I like manga, so I read BL regularly … The stories were heart-wrenching and I could sympathize with them. Now, there are a lot of high quality manga, and the differences between BL and young adult manga seem to be disappearing … In order for these characters (whom the author and readers identify with) to live happily, there is a desire for the characters to be depicted in a way that overcomes the hate and prejudice towards homosexuality (that exists in real life). So even though BL is just romantic entertainment, the signs of society’s evolving attitude towards homosexuality is being reflected in the stories.”

— interview with gay Japanese men (Harada, 2016a; Harada, 2016b)

Journalist Sugiura Yumiko repeatedly assures her readers that fujoshi, the “rotten girls” who create and consume BL manga, are not poorly groomed antisocial misfits. “The majority of fujoshi,” Sugiura writes, “are adult women. They live in the real world, where things like ‘true love’ don’t exist. These women fall in love and get married in the real world, where society necessitates compromise. When they get tired, they take a break in a fantasy world, and then they go back to reality.” According to Sugiura, although fujoshi occasionally immerse themselves in fantasy, or delusion (mōsō), they are far from delusional (mōsōteki); for them, the world of BL is a break from reality (genjitsu), not the sort of separate reality (riariti) that attractive shōjo characters provide for male fans of the anime and manga media mix. (Hemmann, 2020)

Further Reading and Resources

Bolded items are particularly recommended as a starting point for further research.

  1. Voices from the Japanese women’s movement — edited by AMPO Japan Asia Quarterly Review, 1996
  2. Writing the love of boys: Origins of bishōnen culture in modernist Japanese literature — Jeffrey Angles, 2011
  3. Anime fan communities: Transcultural flows and frictions — Sandra Annett, 2014
  4. オトコのヤオイ好きの憂鬱 The melancholy of a male yaoi fan — PINK channel, 2002
  5. TCAF 2015 – Gengoroh Tagame talks gay manga, “bara,” BL and scanlation — Deb Aoki, 2015
  6. Spock among the women — Camille Bacon-Smith, 1986
  7. Aspirational readings of boys love: BL as a “resource of hope” for temporary Chinese gay migrants in Japan — Thomas Baudinette, 2017
  8. Bara manga and gei komi — Thomas Baudinette, 2015
  9. Japanese gay men’s attitudes towards ‘gay manga’ and the problem of genre (free PDF) — Thomas Baudinette, 2017
  10. Lovesick, The Series: Adapting Japanese ‘boys love’ to Thailand and the creation of a new genre of queer media (free PDF) — Thomas Baudinette, 2019
  11. Regimes of desire: Young gay men, media, and masculinity in Tokyo — Thomas Baudinette, 2021
  12. Not manly enough: Femmephobia’s stinging impact on the transmasculine community — Tat Bellamy-Walker, 2019
  13. Fandom: Historicized fandom and the conversation between East and West perspectives — Eleonora Benecchi & Erika Wang, 2021
  14. BL fan project
  15. Do straight women watch gay porn? Yes, and here’s why — Bobby Box, 2021
  16. Girl power in boy love: Yaoi, online female counterculture, and digital feminism in China — Jiang Chang & Hao Tian, 2021
  17. Exploring the meaning of yaoi in Taiwan for female readers: From the perspective of gender — Dienfang Chou, 2010
  18. 電通、「LGBTQ+調査2020」を実施 Dentsu conducts “LGBTQ+ survey 2020” — Dentsu, 2021
  19. 田亀源五郎:ゲイ・エロティック・アートの神髄を描く!! Tagame Gengoroh’s “painting the essence of gay erotic art” — Esmralda, 2014 (English translation by Thomas Baudinette)
  20. Crossdressing dansō: Negotiating between stereotypical femininity and self-expression in patriarchal Japan — Marta Fanasca, 2019
  21. Appropriating yaoi and boys love in the Philippines: Conflict, resistance and imaginations through and beyond Japan — Tricia Abigail Santos Fermin, 2013
  22. Embedded niche overlap: A media industry history of yaoi anime’s American distribution from 1996 to 2009 (free PDF) — Finley Freibert, 2020
  23. By your side: The first 100 years of yuri anime and manga — Erica Friedman, 2022
  24. The evolution of “boys’ love” culture: Can BL spark social change? — Yukari Fujimoto, 2020
  25. 腐女子 Fujoshi — Wikipedia (JA)
  26. Funü — Fanlore
  27. Fujoshi: Fantasy play and transgressive intimacy among “rotten girls” in contemporary Japan — Patrick Galbraith, 2011
  28. Seeking an alternative: “Male” shōjo fans since the 1970s — Patrick Galbraith, 2019
  29. The trivialisation of female fans: Addressing gender stereotypes around fandoms — Sudarshana Ganguly, 2021
  30. Why we’re terrified of fanfiction — Constance Grady, 2016
  31. The great mirror of fandom: Reflections of (and on) otaku and fujoshi in anime and manga — Clarissa Graffeo, 2014
  32. 近くて遠い沼”百合”について聞いてみた!!百合好きBLファンの実態調査【ちるちる記者夏の自由研究Vol.2】 Survey of yuri-loving BL fans [Chil Chil reporter’s summer independent research Vol.2] — Moriko Hakumai, 2020
  33. Do Japanese gay men read boy’s love comics, dislike ‘fujyoshi’? — Akemi Harada, 2016
  34. Evolved boy’s love: How fujyoshi could eliminate prejudice — Akemi Harada, 2016
  35. Confucian views and traditions regarding women — Jeff Hays, 2016
  36. Manga cultures and the female gaze — Kathryn Hemmann, 2020
  37. Queer and normal: Dansō (female-to-male crossdressing) lives and politics in contemporary Tokyo — Michelle H. S. Ho, 2020
  38. 「ゲイはアンチBL」の発生源は、2ch随一の女叩き板・同性愛サロン The origin of the “gays are anti-BL” movement: 2ch’s women-bashing on the online discussion board Douseiai Salon — Hompig, 2015
  39. BL読者1,800名に聞いた!“BL(ボーイズ・ラブ)”に関する意識調査 We asked 1,800 BL readers! Opinion poll on “BL (boys’ love)” — Honto, 2021
  40. On the response (or lack thereof) of Japanese fans to criticism that yaoi is antigay discrimination — Akiko Hori, 2013
  41. What is yaoi? — Idling Chair, 2020
  42. What is geicomi? — Idling Chair, 2020
  43. What is bara? — Idling Chair, 2020
  44. What is “nonke” (ノンケ)? — Idling Chair, 2021
  45. Influential manga artist Gengoroh Tagame on upending traditional Japanese culture — Anne Ishii, 2018
  46. Massive: Gay erotic manga and the men who make it — edited by Anne Ishii, Chip Kidd, & Graham Kolbeins, 2014
  47. Shojo manga: The power and influence of girls’ comics — The Japan Foundation, 2021
  48. Takarazuka: The interplay between all-female musicals and girls’ culture in Japan — The Japan Foundation, 2022
  49. Boys’ love: The history and transformation of BL in Asia — The Japan Foundation, 2022
  50. American identities and the consumption of Japanese homoerotica — Caitlin Joyce, 2020
  51. Rotten use patterns: What entertainment theories can do for the study of boys’ love — Björn-Ole Kamm, 2013
  52. Girls who are boys who like girls to be boys: BL and the Australian cosplay community — Emerald King, 2013
  53. Cross-cultural cross-dressing: Japanese graphic novels perform gender in U.S. — Sarah Kornfield, 2010
  54. Boys’ love, cosplay, and androgynous idols: Queer fan cultures in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan — edited by Maud Lavin, Ling Yang, & Jing Jamie Zhao, 2017
  55. The performative force of cultural products: Subject positions and desires emerging from engagement with the manga boys’ love and yaoi — Mona Lilja & Catherine Wasshede, 2017
  56. Nisu, or I want my male idol to be my female lover — Ting Lin, 2021
  57. Male colors: The construction of homosexuality in Tokugawa Japan — Gary P. Leupp, 1995
  58. Boys’ love manga: Essays on the sexual ambiguity and cross-cultural fandom of the genre — edited by Antonia Levi, Mark Mcharry, & Dru Pagliassotti, 2010
  59. Beyond the text: A study of online communication within slash community in China — Congyao Liu, 2017
  60. Yaoi ronsō: Discussing depictions of male homosexuality in Japanese girls’ comics, gay comics and gay pornography — Wim Lunsing, 2006
  61. Boys’ love ‘research’ — Anna Madill, 2018
  62. Female-oriented male-male erotica: Comparison of the engaged Anglophone demographic and that of the Greater China Area — Anna Madill & Yao Zhao, 2021
  63. Origins of the shonen-ai and yaoi manga genres — Yulia A. Magera, 2019
  64. Girls who love boys’ love: Japanese homoerotic manga as trans-national Taiwan culture — Fran Martin, 2012
  65. “Righteous fraternities” and honorable men: Sworn brotherhoods in wartime Chongqing — Lee McIsaac, 2000
  66. Male homosexuality in modern Japan: Cultural myths and social realities — Mark McLelland
  67. From the stage to the clinic: Changing transgender identities in post-war Japan (free PDF) — Mark McLelland, 2010
  68. The world of yaoi: The internet, censorship, and the global ‘boys’ love’ fandom (free PDF) — Mark McLelland, 2014
  69. Genders, transgenders and sexualities in Japan (free PDF) — edited by Mark McLelland & Romit Dasgupta, 2006
  70. Boys love manga and beyond: History, culture, and community in Japan — edited by Mark McLelland, Kazumi Nagaike, Katsuhiko Suganuma, & James Welker, 2015
  71. Queer voices from Japan: First person narratives from Japan’s sexual minorities — edited by Mark McLelland, Katsuhiko Suganuma, & James Welker, 2007
  72. Fantastic fujoshi just wanna have fun, Japanese netizens say, “No!” — KK Miller, 2015
  73. Reading and living yaoi: Male-male fantasy narratives as women’s sexual subculture in Japan — Akiko Mizoguchi, 2008
  74. Women and yaoi in Japanese dōjinshi culture — Halimun Muhammad
  75. Elegant Caucasians, amorous Arabs, and invisible others: Signs and images of foreigners in Japanese BL manga — Kazumi Nagaike, 2009
  76. Fantasies of cross-dressing: Japanese women write male-male erotica — Kazumi Nagaike, 2012
  77. Fudanshi (“rotten boys”) in Asia: A cross-cultural analysis of male readings of BL and concepts of masculinity — Kazumi Nagaike, 2019
  78. On the psychology, physicality, and communication strategies of male fans of BL in East Asia: A cross-cultural analysis of men’s desires to “become” fudanshi — Kazumi Nagaike, 2022
  79. Male gays in the female gaze: Women who watch m/m pornography (free PDF) — Lucy Neville, 2015
  80. Reading yaoi comics: An analysis of Korean girls’ fandom — Sueen Noh, 1998
  81. Otaku sexualities in Japan in Global encyclopedia of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) history (free PDF), pp. 1177–1180 — Alexandra Novitskaya, 2019
  82. Making fujoshi identity visible and invisible — Daisuke Okabe & Kimi Ishida, 2012
  83. Reading boys’ love in the West — Dru Pagliassotti, 2008
  84. GloBLisation and hybridisation: Publishers’ strategies for bringing boys’ love to the United States — Dru Pagliassotti, 2009
  85. Censorship and Chinese slash fans — Yudan Pang, 2021
  86. LGBTI comics intercepted at post office in Indonesia will be destroyed — Shannon Power, 2018
  87. Straight from the heart: Gender, intimacy, and the cultural production of shōjo manga — Jennifer S. Prough, 2011
  88. Takarazuka: Sexual politics and popular culture in modern Japan — Jennifer Robertson, 1998
  89. Japanese slang review (includes Thai BL vocab) — Wes Robertson, 2021
  90. Rotten Boys Club — 2018
  91. The bitches of boys love comics: The pornographic response of Japan’s rotten women — Kristine Michelle L. Santos, 2020
  92. Global fandom: Kristine Michelle L. Santos (the Philippines) — Kristine Michelle L. Santos, 2022
  93. BL読者/非読者に対する調査 報告書 Survey of BL readers/non-readers: Report — Mai Sato & Hitoshi Ishida, 2022
  94. BLについての一人のゲイの意見 A gay man’s opinion about yaoi/BL — Masaki Seto, 2018
  95. LGBTQ+ representation in Japanese media (Q&A) — Masaki Seto, 2021
  96. Gender gymnastics: Performing and consuming Japan’s Takarazuka Revue — Leonie R. Stickland, 2008
  97. The possibilities of research on “fujoshi” in Japan — Midori Suzuki, 2013
  98. Queer Southeast Asia — edited by Shawna Tang & Hendri Yulius Wijaya, 2022
  99. The unexpected world of boys love: Challenging the nuclear family, defying labels, and finding happiness — Agatha Tatang, 2021
  100. Girls and women getting out of hand: The pleasure and politics of Japan’s amateur comics community — Rachel Thorn, 2004
  101. Interview with Keiko Takemiya — Masami Toku, 2003
  102. Pornography in China: Desiring the potato queens + erotic-cultural imperialism + porn stars as teachers + smut hooliganism — Chaoyang Trap, 2022
  103. Slash fiction in China post AO3: Hitting the org//asm paywall + meal replacement fandom diets + Alpha-Omega-McDonald’s + cyber tomb-sweeping — Chaoyang Trap, 2022
  104. Interdisciplinary approaches to yaoi manga: A review — Simon David Turner, 2018
  105. What is boys’ love? — Uglycan, 2020
  106. What is danmei? — Uglycan, 2020
  107. 500人の腐女子に聞いた!「貴方が腐女子に目覚めたきっかけは?」アンケート結果を発表【腐女子の実態調査#1】 We asked 500 fujoshi! “How did you first become a fujoshi?” survey results published [fujoshi investigation #1] — Viviane, 2021
  108. A Japanese Electra and her queer progeny — Keith Vincent, 2007
  109. Exploring the sociocultural impact of boys’ love in Asia with James Welker — Rhys Ureta, 2020
  110. Officially sanctioned adaptation and affective fan resistance: The transmedia convergence of the online drama guardian in China — Cathay Yue Wang, 2019
  111. Fan conflicts and state power in China: Internalised heteronormativity, censorship sensibilities, and fandom police — Erika Ningxin Wang & Liang Ge, 2022
  112. Beautiful, borrowed, and bent: “Boys’ love” as girls’ love in shôjo manga — James Welker, 2006
  113. Lilies of the margin: Beautiful boys and queer female identities in Japan — James Welker, 2008
  114. Boys Love (Yaoi) manga in Global encyclopedia of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) history (free PDF), pp. 262–267 — James Welker, 2019
  115. Queer transfigurations: Boys love media in Asia — edited by James Welker, 2022
  116. “Boys’ love,” yaoi, and art education: Issues of power and pedagogy — Brent Wilson & Masami Toku, 2003
  117. Violence against women — World Health Organization, 2021
  118. Forbidden love: Incest, generational conflict, and the erotics of power in Chinese BL fiction — Yanrui Xu & Ling Yang, 2013
  119. Between BL and slash: Danmei fiction, transcultural mediation, and changing gender norms in contemporary China — Yanrui Xu & Ling Yang, 2022
  120. Danmei, Xianqing, and the making of a queer online public sphere in China — Ling Yang & Yanrui Xu, 2016
  121. 여성심리학 관점에서 분석한 남성동성애만화(Boys’ love manga)의 유희적 수용 A feminist psychological analysis on the playful embracement of boys’ love manga (free PDF) — Sungeun Yang, 2018
  122. Is this fetishization? With special guest: Dr. Thomas Baudinette — The Yaoi Shelf, 2022
  123. Gay intimacy, yaoi and the ethics of care — Aleardo Zanghellini, 2012
  124. Writer of erotic novels in China Is jailed for producing gay pornography — Albee Zhang, 2018
  125. Queer Chinese media and pop culture (free PDF) — Jamie J. Zhao, 2022
  126. Danmei, a genre of Chinese erotic fiction, goes global — Jin Zhao, 2022
  127. Loving boys twice as much: Chinese women’s paradoxical fandom of “boys’ love” fiction — Chunyu Zhang, 2016
  128. Explicit utopias: Rewriting the sexual in women’s pornography — Amalia Ziv, 2015
  129. Loving the love of boys: Motives for consuming yaoi media — Ágnes Zsila, Dru Pagliassotti, Róbert Urbán, Gábor Orosz, Orsolya Király, & Zsolt Demetrovics, 2018
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